How Many People Have the Documents?

The list of documents that the Election Commission (EC) has mentioned can be used as proof of identification does not include two crucial and widely available IDs–Aadhaar and ration card.

The first accepted document is a government-issued identity or pension card. According to the 2022 caste census, about 20.47 lakh people in Bihar hold government jobs. Less than half of them fall within the 18-40 age bracket, which means this ID applies to under 2 percent of that age group.

The second option–a pre-July 1, 1987 ID–is irrelevant for the current 18-40 age group.

The third document, a birth certificate, is held by only 2.8 percent of Biharis born between 2001 and 2005 (NFHS-3). Since most in the target group were born before 2001, the actual figure is even lower.

The fourth, a passport, is held by around 2.4 percent of Bihar’s population. While the 20–40 age groups might have a slightly higher rate, it’s unlikely to cross 10 percent.

Fifth, the matriculation certificate is the most widely held. Based on NFHS-2 and NFHS-5 data, around 45–50 percent of those aged 18–40 are matriculates. There’s a 10-percentage point gender gap–with women at a disadvantage.

Sixth is the domicile certificate, which applies to almost everyone since in-migration to Bihar is minimal.

Seventh, forest rights certificates are largely irrelevant, as STs make up only 1.3 percent of Bihar’s population, and very few live in forest areas.

Eighth, caste certificates (OBC/SC/ST) are held by about 16 percent of Biharis (IHDS-2, 2011-12). Around 20 percent of SCs, 18 percent of OBCs, and 38 percent of STs had such certificates at that time. Those aged 30–40 now could have secured them by 2012; even with some increase, fewer than 25 percent of households are likely to possess them.

Ninth, the NRC is only relevant in Assam.

Tenth, the family register is not applicable in Bihar.

The last is a land or house allotment certificate. There’s no data on land allotments. Government housing certificates are generally given to employees, not beneficiaries of schemes like PMAY-G.

Most non-matriculates are unlikely to have a passport, a government job, or a caste certificate. Under the Election Commission’s new rules, the matriculation certificate effectively becomes the default age proof for voters aged 18–40. This creates a system where educational qualification determines voting rights, sidelining those who left school due to poverty–roughly 2.4 to 2.6 crore people.

“If we also consider those over 40 whose names weren’t in the 2003 voter list, or whose names don’t match the current list, the number of disenfranchised individuals grows even larger. These are not illegal immigrants–but citizens who have been failed by the State’s inability to issue birth certificates, provide basic education, or deliver caste documentation. Penalising them now is unjust.”

In truth, the entire exercise mirrors Assam’s NRC. This is a BJP ploy to introduce NRC by the back door. And NRC means detention camps for hundreds of thousands of legitimate voters while making thousands of D Voters–doubtful voters. As the poor and marginalised people don’t vote BJP, the BJP will be happy to see they don’t come to the polling booths. They are recreating Assam in every state. Their next target is Bengal.

Contributed by Himanshi Dahiya]

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Frontier
Vol 58, No. 7, Aug 10 - 16, 2025